ASIA
25 November 2014
Asia's fragile societies
Many of Asia's rapidly emerging economies appear threatened by stresses in their societies. It is critical to foster better social cohesion to support economic development.
Many of Asia's rapidly emerging economies appear threatened by stresses in their societies. It is critical to foster better social cohesion to support economic development.
"Social cohesion is a means for development, as well as an end in itself", argues the OECD.
"A cohesive society is one where citizens feel they can trust their neighbors and state institutions. One where individuals can seize opportunities for their own well-being and the well-being of their children. It is a society where individuals feel protected when facing illness, unemployment or old age."
In short, cohesive societies are safe, secure and congenial places to live in, with a sense of community and opportunity of upward social mobility. By providing opportunity and security to their citizens, especially women, cohesive societies can strengthen the foundations for economic growth. And cohesive societies which offer all the opportunity to participate in politics and societal decision making are an essential foundation for well-functioning democracies. Giving space to dissenting voices is crucial.
As French sociologist Emile Durkheim argued, in a traditional society social interactions are generally built on a kind of "mechanical solidarity" among members of society due to the relative homogeneity of their activities. Traditional forms of social security are based on balanced reciprocity -- "I help you today on the understanding that you help me tomorrow if I am in trouble". But this modus operandi changes as economies and societies develop.
Indeed, many of Asia's rapidly emerging economies appear threatened by the dramatic economic and social transformations taking place. Traditional lifestyles are increasingly a thing of the past.
Asian citizens are moving from rural to urban areas, and working less in agriculture and more in manufacturing and services. Women and youth are better educated and more empowered, and less subject to patriarchal family structures. As all citizens are better informed and connected, governments are less able to control populations. And globalization means that we all influenced by global trends and networks, as much as our own societies.
Stresses and strains are visible in most countries. Widening inequality is provoking a sense of injustice -- especially where wealth is gained through connections and playing the system rather than merit, as is too often the case in China. This is exacerbated by rampant corruption in a wide range of countries from China to Indonesia. The failure of many governments, most notably that of India, to provide basic services like clean water, sanitation, education and health is also a source of great discontent.
Despite decades of rapid economic growth, the majority of Asians have precarious jobs. And in many countries, well-educated youth are frustrated at their inability to find decent jobs.
Women, not only in India, are tired of violence, and above all the lack of serious efforts to tackle it. The unwillingness of some governments, like that of Hong Kong, to give adequate voice to youth and other excluded groups is contributing to social instability. As are concerns about environmental problems and abuses by local government officials in China. There are also deep frustrations about rigged elections in Singapore and Malaysia.
Completely fractured societies, like that of Thailand with its military coups and political instability, are cases of developmental regression. The easing of political repression can unleash ethnic tensions, as can be seen in Burma today. In cases like Sri Lanka, an unwillingness of the dominant ethnic group to govern inclusively and without discrimination, creates the risk of long-term marginalization and political instability. And in virtually all Asian countries, human rights abuses are widespread, with minorities and immigrants being notable targets.
In short, there are signs of political and social instability and fractures in most Asian countries. This instability is exacerbated by rising expectations of well-educated and -informed middle class citizens, as well as by youth who have little memory of how backward much of Asia was just a generation ago. And the new generations of Asian leaders have neither the revolutionary legitimacy nor competence of Asia's great strong leaders like Lee Kuan Yew, Mohammed Mahathir, Deng Xiaoping and Yasuhiro Nakasone.
The good news is that Asia's very rapid economic growth can provide government with the financial resources to address these stresses and strains. Regrettably to date, most Asian governments have not made serious efforts to implement social policies to address the social cohesion deficit.
There are some recent cases of enlightened political leadership where governments are working toward more accountable and clean governance. The efforts of Chinese President Xi Jingping to clean up the country's corruption are an impressive first step towards good governance in that country, as are similar initiatives by Philippine President Benigno Aquino.
The intentions of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Indian Prime Minister Narendrs Modi, and Chinese President Xi Jingping to implement major new reform programs are commendable. The efforts of Philippine President Benigno Aquino to seek reconciliation with separatist groups is path breaking
All these measures and initiatives may be impressive. And Asian societies are not the only ones in need of more effective, open and accountable ways of dealing with fracturing societies. The West has its share of problems.
But Asia is in desperate need of a new social contract between its government and citizens. And given the role of elites in dominating governance in Asian countries, this really means a new social contract between elites and the rest of society.
Elites must understand that it is ultimately in their interests to have cohesive societies, ones that provide a sense of community, opportunity and security to all citizens. If the need for social inclusion is ignored, there is a grave risk of growing social and political unrest, as has been witnessed in the "Arab Spring", Thailand and elsewhere.
Executive Director
Asian Century Institute
"Social cohesion is a means for development, as well as an end in itself", argues the OECD.
"A cohesive society is one where citizens feel they can trust their neighbors and state institutions. One where individuals can seize opportunities for their own well-being and the well-being of their children. It is a society where individuals feel protected when facing illness, unemployment or old age."
In short, cohesive societies are safe, secure and congenial places to live in, with a sense of community and opportunity of upward social mobility. By providing opportunity and security to their citizens, especially women, cohesive societies can strengthen the foundations for economic growth. And cohesive societies which offer all the opportunity to participate in politics and societal decision making are an essential foundation for well-functioning democracies. Giving space to dissenting voices is crucial.
As French sociologist Emile Durkheim argued, in a traditional society social interactions are generally built on a kind of "mechanical solidarity" among members of society due to the relative homogeneity of their activities. Traditional forms of social security are based on balanced reciprocity -- "I help you today on the understanding that you help me tomorrow if I am in trouble". But this modus operandi changes as economies and societies develop.
Indeed, many of Asia's rapidly emerging economies appear threatened by the dramatic economic and social transformations taking place. Traditional lifestyles are increasingly a thing of the past.
Asian citizens are moving from rural to urban areas, and working less in agriculture and more in manufacturing and services. Women and youth are better educated and more empowered, and less subject to patriarchal family structures. As all citizens are better informed and connected, governments are less able to control populations. And globalization means that we all influenced by global trends and networks, as much as our own societies.
Stresses and strains are visible in most countries. Widening inequality is provoking a sense of injustice -- especially where wealth is gained through connections and playing the system rather than merit, as is too often the case in China. This is exacerbated by rampant corruption in a wide range of countries from China to Indonesia. The failure of many governments, most notably that of India, to provide basic services like clean water, sanitation, education and health is also a source of great discontent.
Despite decades of rapid economic growth, the majority of Asians have precarious jobs. And in many countries, well-educated youth are frustrated at their inability to find decent jobs.
Women, not only in India, are tired of violence, and above all the lack of serious efforts to tackle it. The unwillingness of some governments, like that of Hong Kong, to give adequate voice to youth and other excluded groups is contributing to social instability. As are concerns about environmental problems and abuses by local government officials in China. There are also deep frustrations about rigged elections in Singapore and Malaysia.
Completely fractured societies, like that of Thailand with its military coups and political instability, are cases of developmental regression. The easing of political repression can unleash ethnic tensions, as can be seen in Burma today. In cases like Sri Lanka, an unwillingness of the dominant ethnic group to govern inclusively and without discrimination, creates the risk of long-term marginalization and political instability. And in virtually all Asian countries, human rights abuses are widespread, with minorities and immigrants being notable targets.
In short, there are signs of political and social instability and fractures in most Asian countries. This instability is exacerbated by rising expectations of well-educated and -informed middle class citizens, as well as by youth who have little memory of how backward much of Asia was just a generation ago. And the new generations of Asian leaders have neither the revolutionary legitimacy nor competence of Asia's great strong leaders like Lee Kuan Yew, Mohammed Mahathir, Deng Xiaoping and Yasuhiro Nakasone.
The good news is that Asia's very rapid economic growth can provide government with the financial resources to address these stresses and strains. Regrettably to date, most Asian governments have not made serious efforts to implement social policies to address the social cohesion deficit.
There are some recent cases of enlightened political leadership where governments are working toward more accountable and clean governance. The efforts of Chinese President Xi Jingping to clean up the country's corruption are an impressive first step towards good governance in that country, as are similar initiatives by Philippine President Benigno Aquino.
The intentions of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Indian Prime Minister Narendrs Modi, and Chinese President Xi Jingping to implement major new reform programs are commendable. The efforts of Philippine President Benigno Aquino to seek reconciliation with separatist groups is path breaking
All these measures and initiatives may be impressive. And Asian societies are not the only ones in need of more effective, open and accountable ways of dealing with fracturing societies. The West has its share of problems.
But Asia is in desperate need of a new social contract between its government and citizens. And given the role of elites in dominating governance in Asian countries, this really means a new social contract between elites and the rest of society.
Elites must understand that it is ultimately in their interests to have cohesive societies, ones that provide a sense of community, opportunity and security to all citizens. If the need for social inclusion is ignored, there is a grave risk of growing social and political unrest, as has been witnessed in the "Arab Spring", Thailand and elsewhere.
Author
John WestExecutive Director
Asian Century Institute